The most apparent use of clothing in precolonial Yorubaland was protection from weather elements, and preventing nakedness and voyeurism. According to Oguniran, clothing also served to project identity–anything ranging from gender, status, and age (Oyeniyi 43). Lighter colors were worn during warmer seasons and usually consisted of wearing a wrapper on the lower half of the body and leaving the upper half of the body bare. Yoruba cloth was also worn during various occasions.
Based on Oguniran’s observations, he divided the occasions into four distinct groups: work or professional engagements, casual, ceremonial and simply, aesthetically pleasing (fashion) (Oyeniyi 44). Within those distinctions, there is still social rank. Take for example an individual wearing casual cloth. Based on the aforementioned hypothetical individual, if he or she was wealthier, his or her casual clothing might consist of several different cloths woven together, thereby displaying wealth.
As a result of using clothing, no matter the occasion, as a social construct, clothing worn casual could be considered “ceremonial” in nature. Though some scholars argue that dress and styles were of Arab origins, they were still worn all over Yorubaland before any evidence of Islam. Another rule regarding ancient Yoruba clothing practices was that everyone, regardless of social class was required to have ceremonial cloth. Though the amount of detail (e. g. beading and embroidery) placed in the cloth differed, it was still required for both men and women to have special clothing for ceremony.
Fashionable clothing, on the other hand, was not mandatory, and like most cultures today (in Western societies), were worn by wealthy elites (Oyeniyi 45). For men, notable pant styles include Sokoto Penpe (“knickerbockers”), Bante, Ladugbu, Ati, and Nangudu, (among many other traditional clothing styles) (Oyeniyi 71). Males wore anything from, gowns, vests, to trousers in various styles and forms. In precolonial Yorubaland, women were more limited in clothing options than men. The garments typically worn by women including Iro (a wraparound cloth), Buba (top or blouse), Gele (head tie), and Tobi or Yeri (skirt).
Unmarried women, who probably have yet to reach sexual maturity (but soon will), often wore two Iro–one around the waist, and the other covering the breast (Fig. 3). A young, unmarried woman would also wear a headwrap or Gele (Oyeniyi 72). Clothing worn by women at this time has survived pre-colonial times as they are often wore in contemporary dress (while will be analyzed later). Women who are between the typical age of puberty and puberty were required to be more “modest” by wearing long yeri. Men, who are between the aforementioned stages in life, could wear what they pleased, from being scantily clad in Bante (Oyeniyi 74).
Thee only time men needed to censor what they wore was during ceremonial rites or official outings. Small children, no matter their gender, were only required to wear aprons to cover genitalia. Among the elites, one of the earliest travelers/explorers to Nigeria, Captain Clapperton, describes seeing “gorgeously arrayed scarlet cloak, literally covered with gold lace, and why kerseymere trowers similarly embroidered,” (Oyeniyi 69). In Clapperton’s travelogues, he reported seeing commoners and the elite. The aforementioned noticed the elites often times wore clothing with rare accessories attached.
For example, Captain Clapperton report seeing “a cap and feathers, evidently of European manufacture, and he was class in a scarlet jacket,” (Oyeniyi 70). The slaves and commoners, on the other hand, were reportedly clad in plain clothing and caps. Another account, made by Samuel Johnson, reported seeing a “sheet of cloth three yards by two, which is thrown around the body,” (Oyeniyi 70). The aforementioned report was a description of Pipa Aso ni Kaja, a garment worn by both sexes and use within public spheres (thereby referred to as Aso-Imur’ode) often denote higher rank and status (Oyeniyi 71).
Depending on the cloth used, Kaja could also be worn as a cover-cloth at night (Aso Ibo’ra). Clothing also served as indicators of special events like marriage, procreation, puberty, and death (Oyeniyi 97). Before an infant’s christening ceremony, depending on the social status of the family, parents often times couples would sew new clothes or wore used, almost new clothes during a christening. By wearing elaborate clothing during ceremonies like the aforementioned, men and women especially were able to flaunt their wealth and prestige.
For the wealthy, christening are elaborate. For those with wealth, christening were complex in manner of clothing. For the extended family and nuclear family of the couple with new baby, Aso Ebi. Fiends of the family would be seen in Aso Egbe Jo’Da. In addition, the wife of the wealthy family was expected to change as many times as possible. Though the aforementioned may appear to be unnecessary, by her changing repeatedly, she is showing her family that she is being taken care of by her husband.
During funeral rites, dull colored cloth is worn to represent the olemn event. If the death is that of an elderly individual, clothing is likely elaborate (like during a christening) because individuals participating are celebrating the full life lived by the elderly man or woman and their passage from the world of the living to the world of the dead (Oyeniyi 98). When funeral rites are for a young person whose death was likely caused by a freak accident or poor health, the family members of the deceased, especially the parents of the child, mourn his or her death.
Since the parents outlived their child, it is seen (even today) as an extremely sad situation because a member of the younger generation, that may carry the name and honor of their parents, has passed away. The varying accounts not only show the different ways in which different groups of Yoruba people wear their clothing–they also show the importance of clothing to determine social rank within Yorubaland societies. Pre-colonial Yoruba dress aimed to present the body in a way that exudes pride in social status, and overall, are heavily based on tradition and/or occasion.
Clothing in precolonial yorubaland embodied the political, socioeconomic, and aesthetic components of Yoruba society, thereby defining “Yorubaness” and what it meant to be Yoruba. By the 1750s, Arabic and Islamic influence on dress became very apparent–ranging from baggy attire to traditional hijab worn by women. Though Islamic influences are not as prominent, modern Islamic Yoruba dress incorporates traditional wear in a modest fashion (e. g. , toga-like style that do not have long trains, longer Buba on women, etc).
Christianity, on the other hand, has deeply influenced Yoruba dress from the 1800s. The idea of Western dress was equated with “civilization” and what is meant to be a good Christian. Though many resisted European Christianity, as it was used as a social control mechanism to subdue the oppressed people of Nigeria, overtime, commercialization, government, and clothing became a dominant part of Yoruba culture. For the most part, modern day, casual dress is manufactured Western clothing amongst the Yoruba. Traditional garments, like Aso ebi have become more Western in tailoring.
Ankara and dutch wax fabric, introduced by Western powers, is used to create traditional clothing. Modern twists, like suits made from ankara fabric, have also been incorporated into contemporary dress (Fig. 4) (Oyeniyi 211). One theme that is prominent in Dr. Oyeniyi’s ethnography is that clothing was (and is still used) as a social control mechanism to maintain complex class systems that exist in Yorubaland. For example, the elite in pre-colonial Yorubaland distinctly wear different colors and styles from “commoners”.
The same can be seen in Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande by E. E. Evans Pritchard. In his text, Pritchard opens with a clear statement that “witches cannot exist”; he starts from a position being skeptical and rejecting the existence of this belief system. While living in the society, he suspended his disbelief and participated in rituals as though he believed. Eventually, he did believe that that witchcraft is believable when looking at it from a social context (what being excused means for an individual socially, who can be accused, etc). In the text, Evans-Pritchard observed that those who are royalty were not to be accused of witchcraft.
He also observed that committing acts of adultery and stealing (described as “moral ills”), were not to be blamed on the evil forces at work (Evans-Pritchard). Though he does not believe in witchcraft, he believes the institution is reasonable. In Azande culture, witchcraft regulates behavior since everyone is worried of accusation and avoids maladaptive behaviors that may result in them being accused of the practices and shunned by society. Witchcraft, much like clothing in Yoruba society, is used a method to control behavior and rank within society.
The ethnography, despite being detailed and meticulously written, had a few weaknesses. Upon reading the introduction, one will notice that many terms used for clothing also represent other objects and do not represent the clothing in question in totality. This creates a problem when relying on oral culture to identify clothing. There is also a lack of evidence for sources beyond 1 or 2 generations (as most as most history of dress is relied upon by oral cultures, folktales, and folklore and formal writing was not introduced until the late nineteenth century).
Most of the pre-colonial clothing evidence is shown to belong to the ruling class. The aforementioned is logical in that most people (even today) who can afford art are those who are well off and have some type of surplus currency that can afford the luxuries. Because of the aforementioned, the way in which working class individuals was mostly elusive (save for a few examples in the text of how farmers dressed when working). The final important weakness was that because much of precolonial Yorubaland is defined by oral history and archaeology, the years in which different clothing styles were adopted are absent.
While one may be able to identify an estimate age in which different clothes were worn, the author of the ethnography did not provide any explicit dates when describing clothing styles. Without knowing the year in which different styles were adopted, it is impossible to know the exact way sartorial culture evolved over time. Overall, Oyeniyi used extremely detailed examples of dress to help the reader better understand the evolution of dress and how it applies to Yoruba culture.
Using his own observations as a Yoruba man, and relying on texts that are both etic and emic in approach, Oyeniyi provides different witnesses and points of views on a very complex culture. The main takeaway from this ethnographic text, is that Yoruba culture is so deeply embedded in dress that it is a part of the Yoruba identity. Without dress, important histories and archaeology that described the history of a culture reliant on oral cultures and arts, would not exist.
