The theory behind a community of practice was first introduced by Jean Lave and Etienne Wenger (1991). Firstly described within their novel Situated Learning: Legitimate Peripheral Participation (1992), yet their theory was not noticeably defined until Penelope Eckert (2006) gave this theory the title community of practice. Eckert defines a community of practice as “a collection of people who engage in an ongoing basis in some common endeavor” (Eckert, 2006) which is exactly what we see within the University of Colorado Boulder Spirit program.
In Etienne Wenger’s later years he revisits this ideal, now known as a community of practice, and gives specific criteria social groups must meet to be considered a community of practice. Wenger (2007) states three main elements that are crucial within determining a community of practice. The first set of criteria a group must meet is the domain. Meaning that the group is more than just friends it has an identity defined by a “shared domain of interest, membership therefore implies a commitment to the domain, and therefore a shared competence that distinguishes members from other people’ (2007).
The Spirit program does just this by hosting tryouts each year, selecting a limited and exclusive group of members, and creating an atmosphere where it is a privilege to be a part of not a right. Next Wenger states that the community must “in pursuing their interest in their domain, members engage in joint activities and discussions, help each other, and share information. They build relationships that enable them to learn from each other” (2007).
Which is seen through practices of both teams, collaborating to achieve new stunts, forming ever lasting relationships by the level of trust which must be placed in all members to perform the necessary movements to execute each stunt safely. Lastly Wenger believes the practice of “Members of a community of practice are practitioners. They develop a shared repertoire of resources: experiences, stories, tools, ways of addressing recurring problems—in short a shared practice. This takes time and sustained interaction” (2007).
We see this within cheerleading at the collegiate level due to the necessities of prior knowledge of the sport, and the high competitive nature reached as a division one program at CU. Having background knowledge of the three categories of cheerleading; stunting, tumbling, and cheer, are detrimental to the development of the teams. Each member of both teams bring previous knowledge and experience to the program allowing collaboration in order to achieve success. Within tl Spirit program of CU we see all principles of what a community of practice is defined by Jean Lave, Etienne Wenger, and Penelope Eckert.
Indeed the Spirit program consisting of both Coed, and All Girl are a community of practice; they also fall under the term of sub-communities towards each other. A subcommunity must first be defined as a community of practice which we have proven within the Spirit program sharing fundamental ideals, objectives, and falling suit to the criteria sited above; all while encompassing smaller communities. These smaller communities are better labeled Coed, and All Girl, however continue to recognize themselves specifically as members of the CU Spirit program.
Examples of other known sub-communities, within communities of practice, are opposing gangs, fraternities, and teams of a specific sport. In the year 2000 Penelope Eckert conducted an Ethnography to contradict William Labov study (1966) due to the fact she disagreed with the underlying statement that language was mostly influenced by demographic categories such as social class. Instead she believed that linguistic features were attained by social practices, not ones social statues. To begin to understand Eckert’s conclusion of her hypothesis, we must first understand what an ethnography is.
An ethnography is the study of people and cultures in order to explore the phenomena of studying through the view of the subjects. Within ethnographies we observe using an investigational strategy, leading to quantitative measurement of the question at hand. Each ethnography is unique to its own study, there for making it impossible to rely on set criteria besides that of studying measurable means to conclude a hypothesis. Eckert based her study on a school within Detroit, comparing features of two different social groups the Jocks and Burnouts.
Within her study she conducted interviews from each group and found that the Jocks interview persona was sweet innocent, and caring of their social status through popularity; where the Burnouts persona was polar opposite they were personifying themselves as tough, cool and not caring of social convection or standing. The Jocks were interested and set on attending College after high school, where the Burnouts much like their name were burnt out of the need for education and were not on the track of attending College.
Eckert concludes that her hypothesis is correct, that shared social practices are more influential than our social status. The environment we choice to be a part of, such as our friends, has a much larger impact. Much like Eckert, I will conduct interviews to determine the differences of persona, and style, while looking and noting differences within Coed and All Girls lexicon, ideology, and sociolect, along with any other noticeable linguistic features.
Linda Moore, the Senior Director, and Business Administration of ESPN Productions Incorporated, published her study of an ethnographic of the Skateboarding Culture (2009). Within Moore’s ethnography the sociolinguistics of the Skateboarding culture was examined to better define the themes, and how (if possible) it would be helpful in communicating effectively with younger generations. Moore collected data through analysis of the social behaviors, style, and lexicon, observed within the Chapter 13, X Games.
By repeated viewings of the film it was established that the demographic characteristics had little to none diversity within the professional level. “Of the 30 participants, 10% were female and 90% were male. 73% were observed to be of Caucasian ethnicity, while 16% were observed to be of Hispanic origins and 1% of African American ethnicity. ” (2009) Moore concluded that theme was extremely energetic, and the participants were very driven; yet was unable to determine given her data pull if this community of practice would be helpful in identifying with younger generations.
Moore states that even known this is a competitive atmosphere the participant’s facial expressions showed passion and determination to win, while still caring for the wellbeing of their competitors. Once at the end of Moores ethnography the thought of biases and legitimacy comes into question. She quotes Neuman, W. L. “Bias is inherent in qualitative research” (Neuman, 2003) and reveals that prior interest and involvement of the sport could potentially influence the data.
Moores states “While bias cannot be erased, bias is identified as a mediating factor that may influence the results of this study. (2009). I found this extremely relevant to my ethnography due to the fact I too, have predisposed myself to the CU Spirit program by being a member of Coed, and that part of my data pull will be videos of both teams cheering. Though Moores study I have warn myself of my own biases, and the dangers of relying on video. Norma Mendoza-Denton’s ethnography Homegirls (2008) based on Nortenas and Surenas; Latina Youth Gangs within a High School in the Bay Area, of North California looks at the different styles and language choice differences between.
Each considered a community of practice by the self-identification of gang affiliation, they too are categorized as sub-communities much like the Coed and All Girl teams. Though Mendoza-Denton’s study she notes key differences between, such as Nortenas typically wearing red, and burgundy, routing for the San Francisco 49ers, hair with features in it, listening to Motown oldies, wearing deep red lipstick with solid eyeliner along with liquid, and primarily speaking English; and the Surenas wearing blue, and navy, outing for the Los Angeles Raiders, listening to the Banda music, wearing their hair in a vertical pony tail, brown lipstick, only solid eyeliner, and speaking primarily Spanish. MendozaDenton’s detailed differences between the sub-communities shows that any difference no matter how small; ex. eyeliner, is crucial to finding and differentiating between the two subgroups. Noting how detailed visual tells must be will help me find key differences between the otherwise similar subcommunities within the CU Spirit program.
Now that we have established the CU Spirit program as being a community of practice, encompassed by two sub-communities, and touched base on different ethnographies such as Penelope Eckert Jocks and Burnouts (2000), Linda Moore Skateboarding Culture (2009), and Norma Mendoza-Denton’s ethnography: Homegirls (2008) Thave reached a better understanding and outline of how to conduct my own ethnography. During of which I will conduct interviews, review video, stay conscious of my own bias, and actively stay attentive to acquit detail.
