Vargas was born in Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil; he came from a family important in state politics. Considering a career in the military, Vargas enlisted into the Army when he was 16 years old, but soon chose to study law. Soon after graduating in 1908, from the Porto Alegre law school, he entered into politics. Vargas ascended rapidly in state politics and in 1922, he was elected to the national Congress, he served for four years in this position.
Vargas was elevated through the political system of investment in establishment as a member of the gaucho-landed oligarchy, but he had a vision of how Brazilian politics could be formed to boost national development. He grasped that the collapse of relations between workers and owners in the factories of Brazil, workers could become the basis for a new form of political power. He would slowly take over the Brazilian political world and would stay in power for 15 years. Throughout those years, the domination of the farming elites ended and new urban industrial leaders attained more power nationally, and the middle class began to strengthen.
In 1934, a new Constitution was established and the political system was reorganized by creating a legislature with both social sector representatives and state. The new Constitution contained electoral changes, including women’s suffrage, confidential ballot, and exclusive courts to supervise elections, but the illiterate person was still unable to vote. Vargas was elected president for a four-year term. In the 1930s, for the first time in Brazilian history civilian elites backed a strong unified military because they dreaded Brazil would suffer a Civil War similar to Spain’s.
The Estado Novo gave the Army regulated control over the state military police division. The elites of the old state patrias gave up their private military strength in return for interests. Federal domination of military force intensified the power of the central governments to heights formerly unknown. This development is a significant turning point in the history of Brazil. The state independence ended under the Estado Novo, selected federal officials replaced governors, and benefaction ran from the president downwards.
All political groups were dispersed until 1944, therefore restraining openings for a challenger to coordinate. During this process, Vargas eradicated threats from the left to the right. At the local level, colonists lasted by asserting their devotion and agreeing to their share of benefaction for delivery to their own subjects. The Vargas years had their greatest impact on national politics and economics. Vargas smallest influence was at the local level where the older forms of authority persisted well into the 1950s.
Vargas engages the rural and business related elites, making former enemies supporters, or at least neutral. Vargas’s time as dictator witnessed the reorganization of the economy, armed forces, foreign relations, and international trade. While directing investment into the industry, the Estado Novo branded strikes as crimes and classified the government organized unions into distinct segments of federation that were not allowed form national organizations. The government dictated benefits and regular wage increases, and slowly increased the inadequate Social Security system.
Brazil’s minimum wage level was never acceptable. The regimes propaganda advertised state authoritarianism and defense, but portrayed Vargas as the patron of the working classes. Industry expanded throughout the 1930s, and Vargas became a benefactor of the factory owner, this expansion doubles during the decade. The twin orders of the day was repression. Journalists and novelists were jailed, censored, and suppressed. Military schools were restricted to those with suitable political alliances, educated, racial, family, and religious.
Into the crisis of October 1945, to overthrow Vargas and to remove the political deployment of the masses, the generals believed this would affront the social order. Vargas supported rushing industrial development increased social regulations, and he was repaid with a 49 percent vote in 1950. Eventually, Vargas government dissolved in dissatisfaction and accusation of corruption; confronted with military pressures for his resignation. Vargas shot himself on August 24, 1954, his death formed significant public empathy. This sympathy supporters his reputation as “father of poor”.